Bach Partita Nº 2, BWV 1004 (1978)
31 de janeiro de 2014
30 de janeiro de 2014
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Charter of the United Nations
CHAPTER I: PURPOSES AND PRINCIPLES
Article 1
The Purposes of the United Nations are:
- To maintain international peace and security, and to that end: to take effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace, and for the suppression of acts of aggression or other breaches of the peace, and to bring about by peaceful means, and in conformity with the principles of justice and international law, adjustment or settlement of international disputes or situations which might lead to a breach of the peace;
- To develop friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples, and to take other appropriate measures to strengthen universal peace;
- To achieve international co-operation in solving international problems of an economic, social, cultural, or humanitarian character, and in promoting and encouraging respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language, or religion; and
- To be a centre for harmonizing the actions of nations in the attainment of these common ends.
29 de janeiro de 2014
28 de janeiro de 2014
27 de janeiro de 2014
25 de janeiro de 2014
Noah
A recently deciphered 4,000-year-old clay tablet from ancient
Mesopotamia — modern-day Iraq — reveals striking new details about the
roots of the Old Testament tale of Noah. It tells a similar story,
complete with detailed instructions for building a giant round vessel
known as a coracle — as well as the key instruction that animals should
enter “two by two.”
23 de janeiro de 2014
1492
The Edict
of Expulsion of the Jews
(1)
King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella, by the grace
of God, King and Queen of Castile, Leon, Aragon, Sicily, Granada, Toledo,
Valencia, Galicia, the Balearic Islands, Seville, Sardinia, Cordoba,
Corsica, Murcia, Jaen, of the Algarve, Algeciras, Gibraltar, and of
the Canary Islands, count and countess of Barcelona and lords of Biscay
and Molina, dukes of Athens and Neopatria, counts of Rousillon and Cerdana,
marquises of Oristan and of Gociano, to the prince Lord Juan, our very
dear and muched love son, and to the other royal children, prelates,
dukes, marquees, counts, masters of military orders, priors, grandees,
knight commanders, governors of castles and fortified places of our
kingdoms and lordships, and to councils, magistrates, mayors, constables,
district judges, knights, official squires, and all good men of the
noble and loyal city of Burgos and other cities, towns, and villages
of its bishopric and of other archbishoprics, bishoprics, dioceses of
our kingdom and lordships, and to the residential quarters of the Jews
of the said city of Burgos and of all the aforesaid cities, towns, and
villages of its bishopric and of the other cities, towns, and villages
of our aforementioned kingdoms and lordships, and to all Jews and to
all individual Jews of those places, and to barons and women of whatever
age they may be, and to all other persons of whatever law, estate, dignity,
preeminence, and condition they may be, and to all to whom the matter
contained in this charter pertains or may pertain. Salutations and grace.
(2) You know well
or ought to know, that whereas we have been informed that in these our
kingdoms there were some wicked Christians who Judaized and apostatized
from our holy Catholic faith, the great cause of which was interaction
between the Jews and these Christians, in the cortes which we held in
the city of Toledo in the past year of one thousand, four hundred and
eighty, we ordered the separation of the said Jews in all the cities,
towns and villages of our kingdoms and lordships and [commanded] that
they be given Jewish quarters and separated places where they should
live, hoping that by their separation the situation would remedy itself.
Furthermore, we procured and gave orders that inquisition should be
made in our aforementioned kingships and lordships, which as you know
has for twelve years been made and is being made, and by many guilty
persons have been discovered, as is very well known, and accordingly
we are informed by the inquisitors and by other devout persons, ecclesiastical
and secular, that great injury has resulted and still results, since
the Christians have engaged in and continue to engage in social interaction
and communication they have had means and ways they can to subvert and
to steal faithful Christians from our holy Catholic faith and to separate
them from it, and to draw them to themselves and subvert them to their
own wicked belief and conviction, instructing them in the ceremonies
and observances of their law, holding meetings at which they read and
teach that which people must hold and believe according to their law,
achieving that the Christians and their children be circumcised, and
giving them books from which they may read their prayers and declaring
to them the fasts that they must keep, and joining with them to read
and teach them the history of their law, indicating to them the festivals
before they occur, advising them of what in them they are to hold and
observe, carrying to them and giving to them from their houses unleavened
bread and meats ritually slaughtered, instructing them about the things
from which they must refrain, as much in eating as in other things in
order to observe their law, and persuading them as much as they can
to hold and observe the law of Moses, convincing them that there is
no other law or truth except for that one. This proved by many statements
and confessions, both from these same Jews and from those who have been
perverted and enticed by them, which has redounded to the great injury,
detriment, and opprobrium of our holy Catholic faith.
(3) Notwithstanding
that we were informed of the great part of this before now and we knew
that the true remedy for all these injuries and inconveniences was to
prohibit all interaction between the said Jews and Christians and banish
them from all our kingdoms, we desired to content ourselves by commanding
them to leave all cities, towns, and villages of Andalusia where it
appears that they have done the greatest injury, believing that that
would be sufficient so that those of other cities, towns, and villages
of our kingdoms and lordships would cease to do and commit the aforesaid
acts. And since we are informed that neither that step nor the passing
of sentence [of condemnation] against the said Jews who have been most
guilty of the said crimes and delicts against our holy Catholic faith
have been sufficient as a complete remedy to obviate and correct so
great an opprobrium and offense to the faith and the Christian religion,
because every day it is found and appears that the said Jews increase
in continuing their evil and wicked purpose wherever they live and congregate,
and so that there will not be any place where they further offend our
holy faith, and corrupt those whom God has until now most desired to
preserve, as well as those who had fallen but amended and returned to
Holy Mother Church, the which according to the weakness of our humanity
and by diabolical astuteness and suggestion that continually wages war
against us may easily occur unless the principal cause of it be removed,
which is to banish the said Jews from our kingdoms. Because whenever
any grave and detestable crime is committed by members of any organization
or corporation, it is reasonable that such an organization or corporation
should be dissolved and annihilated and that the lesser members as well
as tile greater and everyone for the others be punished, and that those
who perturb the good and honest life of cities and towns and by contagion
can injure others should be expelled from those places and even if for
lighter causes, that may be injurious to the Republic, how Much more
for those greater and most dangerous and most contagious crimes such
as this.
(4) Therefore,
we, with the counsel and advice of prelates, great noblemen of our kingdoms,
and other persons of learning and wisdom of our Council, having taken
deliberation about this matter, resolve to order the said Jews and Jewesses
of our kingdoms to depart and never to return or come back to them or
to any of them. And concerning this we command this our charter to be
given, by which we order all Jews and Jewesses of whatever age they
may be, who live, reside, and exist in our said kingdoms and lordships,
as much those who are natives as those who are not, who by whatever
manner or whatever cause have come to live and reside therein, that
by the end of the month of July next of the present year, they depart
from all of these our said realms and lordships, along with their sons
and daughters, menservants and maidservants, Jewish familiars, those
who are great as well as the lesser folk, of whatever age they may be,
and they shall not dare to return to those places, nor to reside in
them, nor to live in any part of them, neither temporarily on the way
to somewhere else nor in any other manner, under pain that if they do
not perform and comply with this command and should be found in our
said kingdom and lordships and should in any manner live in them, they
incur the penalty of death and the confiscation of all their possessions
by our Chamber of Finance, incurring these penalties by the act itself,
without further trial, sentence, or declaration. And we command and
forbid that any person or persons of the said kingdoms, of whatever
estate, condition, or dignity that they may be, shall dare to receive,
protect, defend, nor hold publicly or secretly any Jew or Jewess beyond
the date of the end of July and from henceforth forever, in their lands,
houses, or in other parts of any of our said kingdoms and lordships,
under pain of losing all their possessions, vassals, fortified places,
and other inheritances, and beyond this of losing whatever financial
grants they hold from us by our Chamber of Finance.
(5)
And so that the said Jews and Jewesses during the stated period of time
until the end of the said month of July may be better able to dispose
of themselves, and their possession, and their estates, for the present
we take and receive them under our Security, protection, and royal safeguard,
and we secure to them and to their possessions that for the duration
of the said time until the said last day of the said month of July they
may travel and be safe, they may enter, sell, trade, and alienate all
their movable and rooted possessions and dispose of them freely and
at their will, and that during the said time, no one shall harm them,
nor injure them, no wrong shall be done to them against justice, in
their persons or in their possessions, under the penalty which falls
on and is incurred by those who violate the royal safeguard. And we
likewise give license and faculty to those said Jews and Jewesses that
they be able to export their goods and estates out of these our said
kingdoms and lordships by sea or land as long as they do not export
gold or silver or coined money or other things prohibited by the laws
of our kingdoms, excepting merchandise and things that are not prohibited.
(6) And we command
all councils, justices, magistrates, knights, squires, officials, and
all good men of the said city of Burgos and of the other cities, towns,
and villages of our said kingdoms and lordships and all our new vassals,
subjects, and natives that they preserve and comply with and cause to
be preserved and complied with this our charter and all that is contained
in it, and to give and to cause to be given all assistance and favor
in its application under penalty of [being at] our mercy and the confiscation
of all their possessions and offices by our Chamber of Finance. And
because this must be brought to the notice of all, so that no one may
pretend ignorance, we command that this our charter be posted in the
customary plazas and places of the said city and of the principal cities,
towns, and villages of its bishopric as an announcement and as a public
document. And no one shall do any damage to it in any manner under penalty
of being at our mercy and the deprivation of their offices and the confiscation
of their possessions, which will happen to each one who might do this.
Moreover, we command the [man] who shows them this our charter that
he summon [those who act against the charter] to appear before us at
our court wherever we may be, on the day that they are summoned during
the fifteen days following the crime under the said penalty, under which
we command whichever public scribe who would be called for the purpose
of reading this our charter that the signed charter with its seal should
be shown to you all so that we may know that our command is carried
out.
(7)
Given in our city of Granada, the XXXI day of the month of March, the
year of the birth of our lord Jesus Christ one thousand four hundred
and ninety-two years.
I,
the King, I the Queen,
I,
Juan de Coloma, secretary of the king and queen our lords, have caused
this to be written at their command.
Registered
by Cabrera, Almacan chancellor.
22 de janeiro de 2014
Esparta
.+Lakonian+black-figured+kylix,+ca.+550%E2%80%93530+BC.jpg)
Rider with birds and a winged figure, perhaps Nike (Victory). Lakonian black-figured kylix, ca. 550–530 BC
21 de janeiro de 2014
+south+of+La+Paz,+Bolivia.jpg)
Babilónia
Hanging Gardens of Babylon
Said to have been destroyed
by several earthquakes after the 2nd century BC, they were located in
Iraq and contained exotic plants and animals imported from all over
the world.
20 de janeiro de 2014
19 de janeiro de 2014
"For this reason Adam was created as a single person, to teach you that anyone who destroys one soul is described in Scripture as if he destroyed an entire world, and anyone who sustains one soul is described in Scripture as if he sustained an entire world... And to declare the greatness of the Holy One, praised be He, for a person uses a mold to cast a number of coins, and they are all similar to each other, while the Sovereign of all sovereigns, the Holy One, praised be He, cast each person in the mold of the first human being and none of them is similar to any other. Therefore each and every person must say: "For me the world was created".
Sanhedrin 4:5
18 de janeiro de 2014
Anti-semitismo
"Antisemitism in the Main Stream of German Society: Empirical Findings", Prof. Monika Schwartz Friesel
17 de janeiro de 2014
16 de janeiro de 2014
Leonard Cohen
"So long, Marianne"
"Come over to the window, my little darling,
I'd like to try to read your palm.
I used to think I was some kind of Gypsy boy
before I let you take me home.
Now so long, Marianne, it's time that we began
to laugh and cry and cry and laugh about it all again.
Well you know that I love to live with you,
but you make me forget so very much.
I forget to pray for the angels
and then the angels forget to pray for us.
Now so long, Marianne, it's time that we began ...
We met when we were almost young
deep in the green lilac park.
You held on to me like I was a crucifix,
as we went kneeling through the dark.
Oh so long, Marianne, it's time that we began ...
Your letters they all say that you're beside me now.
Then why do I feel alone?
I'm standing on a ledge and your fine spider web
is fastening my ankle to a stone.
Now so long, Marianne, it's time that we began ...
For now I need your hidden love.
I'm cold as a new razor blade.
You left when I told you I was curious,
I never said that I was brave.
Oh so long, Marianne, it's time that we began ...
Oh, you are really such a pretty one.
I see you've gone and changed your name again.
And just when I climbed this whole mountainside,
to wash my eyelids in the rain!
Oh so long, Marianne, it's time that we began..."
I'd like to try to read your palm.
I used to think I was some kind of Gypsy boy
before I let you take me home.
Now so long, Marianne, it's time that we began
to laugh and cry and cry and laugh about it all again.
Well you know that I love to live with you,
but you make me forget so very much.
I forget to pray for the angels
and then the angels forget to pray for us.
Now so long, Marianne, it's time that we began ...
We met when we were almost young
deep in the green lilac park.
You held on to me like I was a crucifix,
as we went kneeling through the dark.
Oh so long, Marianne, it's time that we began ...
Your letters they all say that you're beside me now.
Then why do I feel alone?
I'm standing on a ledge and your fine spider web
is fastening my ankle to a stone.
Now so long, Marianne, it's time that we began ...
For now I need your hidden love.
I'm cold as a new razor blade.
You left when I told you I was curious,
I never said that I was brave.
Oh so long, Marianne, it's time that we began ...
Oh, you are really such a pretty one.
I see you've gone and changed your name again.
And just when I climbed this whole mountainside,
to wash my eyelids in the rain!
Oh so long, Marianne, it's time that we began..."
15 de janeiro de 2014
Sophie Tucker
"My Yiddishe Mamma"
"Ich vill bay aych a kashe freygen,
Zugt mir ver es ken,
Mit vifl tayere farmaygns,
Bensht Gott allamen?
Men kriegt dus nit far kayne gelt,
Dus krigt men nur im zist,
Und der vus hot verloren,
Der vays shoyn vus ich mayn.
A yiddishe mamma,
Nisht du kein besser in der welt.
A yiddishe Mamma
Oy vey tzis bisser ven zie fehlt,
Vie shayn und lichtig tzis in Hois,
Ven die mama's du,
Vie traurig finster tzvert,
Ven Gott nehmt ihr oyf Oylam habu.
In vasser und fayer,
Vollt sie geloffn fahr ihr kind,
Nisht halt'n ihr tayer.
Dos iz geviss der greste Zind.
Oy vie gliklach und raych
Is der Mensch vus hut,
Az a tayere matune geschenkt fun Gott,
Wie an altechke Yiddishe Mamma,
Mamma, oy Mamme mein"
Zugt mir ver es ken,
Mit vifl tayere farmaygns,
Bensht Gott allamen?
Men kriegt dus nit far kayne gelt,
Dus krigt men nur im zist,
Und der vus hot verloren,
Der vays shoyn vus ich mayn.
A yiddishe mamma,
Nisht du kein besser in der welt.
A yiddishe Mamma
Oy vey tzis bisser ven zie fehlt,
Vie shayn und lichtig tzis in Hois,
Ven die mama's du,
Vie traurig finster tzvert,
Ven Gott nehmt ihr oyf Oylam habu.
In vasser und fayer,
Vollt sie geloffn fahr ihr kind,
Nisht halt'n ihr tayer.
Dos iz geviss der greste Zind.
Oy vie gliklach und raych
Is der Mensch vus hut,
Az a tayere matune geschenkt fun Gott,
Wie an altechke Yiddishe Mamma,
Mamma, oy Mamme mein"
14 de janeiro de 2014
13 de janeiro de 2014
Ariel Sharon: 1928-2014
One of Israel’s legendary military commanders and most influential politicians leaves a legacy that was nearly great
By Benny Morris | January 11, 2014 8:20 AM
Some years ago, a cameraman proposed to Ariel Sharon that he photograph him holding a sheep. As the photographer later told it, one of Sharon’s sons, Gilad, who was on hand, advised against it. But Sharon, then about 70, thought about it for a moment and then agreed. The picture became iconic: the politician, flanked by animals, standing on hay in rough brown boots, a sheep slung over his shoulders.
Sharon agreed because he liked the image of farmer-general, à la
Cincinnatus, the fifth-century B.C.E. Roman who abandoned the plow to
lead the legions in defense of the republic and then returned to his
humble plow. (Sharon’s plow, incidentally, was not so humble—a
thousand-acre farm, Havat Shikmim, in Israel’s south, practically the
only such spread in Israel.) Also because David Ben-Gurion, Israel’s
founding prime minister and great leader, had once, famously, been
photographed holding a lamb. And, of course, because Sharon was
something of a showman. During his now-legendary military exploits, he
took care to be photographed from every angle. (Photographs of Gen.
Sharon in the Yom Kippur War of 1973, with a white bandage wound around
his head, are also iconic.)
But while Sharon grew up in the agricultural village of Kfar Malal,
northeast of Tel Aviv, and loved running Havat Shikmim, which he bought
in 1972, sheep-farming was really a pastime, as was Ben-Gurion’s sojourn
in rural Sdeh Boker. The passions that consumed Sharon throughout his
85 years were the army, in which he served more or less continuously
from 1947 until 1973, and politics, where he starred from 1973 until
2006, when he suffered a brain hemorrhage and fell into a coma while
serving as prime minister.
Sharon, perhaps, had hoped to follow Ben Gurion into the ranks of
“great”—and he might have made it had illness not cut his career short.
To be sure, he manifested military greatness during his years in the
Israel Defense Forces. True, in the early 1970s, political,
disciplinary, and personal calculations had blocked his appointment as
chief of the general staff of the IDF; he was always seen as
uncontrollable and something of a maverick and distrusted by the powers
that be. But in his decades of service, he clearly demonstrated his
mettle as the IDF’s best field commander. From 1953 to 1955, as the
leader of Unit 101 and then of Paratroop Battalion 890, Sharon fashioned
the ethos and tactics of IDF commando operations. In the 1967 Six Day
War, Sharon, by then a divisional commander, brilliantly conquered the
Umm Katef-Abu Agheila Egyptian fortification complex in the Sinai. In
1970 and 1971, as OC Southern Command, he successfully uprooted
Palestinian guerrillas—terrorists—from the Gaza Strip, a campaign that
often involved brutal tactics. (A retired Israeli police chief once told
me that he had witnessed Sharon personally executing a captured
terrorist in Gaza prison’s courtyard.) In 1973, overcoming some
hesitancy among his superiors, Sharon led the game-changing assault
across the Suez Canal that forced Egypt, which had launched the Yom
Kippur War together with Syria, to beg for a ceasefire.
In politics, too, he had repeatedly exhibited both his maverick
streak and his bulldozer credentials. He got things done, whatever the
legal and practical impediments, and often he got them done in his own
way. But his political legacy remains ambiguous on a number of levels.
A product of the Labor movement, Sharon was a Mapainik at heart:
Mapai was the pragmatic socialist party, led by Ben Gurion, that had led
the Zionist enterprise to statehood and ruled Israel between 1948 and
1977. But in 1973, Sharon jumped ship and helped bring Menachem Begin’s
Likud—then called Gahal—to power. From the late 1970s into the 1990s he
was instrumental in expanding Israeli settlements in the West Bank and
Gaza—though in 1982, as Begin’s defense minister, he efficiently oversaw
Israel’s uprooting of the Sinai settlements as part of the Israeli
commitments in the Israel-Egypt peace treaty.
But 1982 was decisive to Sharon’s political career in another way. He
planned and then carried out Israel’s invasion of southern Lebanon,
culminating in the siege of Beirut and eviction of the Palestine
Liberation Organization from Lebanon—and the massacre, by Lebanese
Christian militiamen, of several hundred Palestinians in the refugee
camps of Sabra and Shatila. Sharon was held partially responsible for
the massacre by an Israeli commission of inquiry and ousted from the
defense ministry and was demonized by both the press and the public in
the West, as well as by many Israelis.
Nevertheless, through the 1980s and 1990s, Sharon inched his way back
into political respectability. By 2001, when he was elected prime
minister at the head of the Likud, he had recast his image, emerging as a
responsible elder statesman with a security-defense background that
most Israelis could trust. Like the ex-Gen. Yitzhak Rabin, with whom
Sharon enjoyed very good relations through the decades, here was a man
who could—cautiously—advance toward peace but also be depended upon to
safeguard Israeli security. His appearance—a smiling, overweight,
white-haired teddy bear, a man who was photographed with his
sheep—certainly helped. So did the occasional leaks by former aides and
secretaries about his abundant sense of humor, warmth, and many personal
kindnesses.
From the moment he assumed the premiership, in 2001, Sharon showed
the promise of political greatness. Starting in 2002, he orchestrated
the Israeli military’s efficient suppression of the Palestinian Second
Intifada—a rebellion against Israel’s occupation of the territories, but
also a terrorist war against Israel itself, that began in September
2000. And he did this at a relatively low cost in terms of Arab civilian
life—most Israelis killed in the Second Intifada were civilians, but
most Arabs killed in the Second Intifada were gunmen.
But Sharon then proceeded—somewhat belatedly, left-wingers would
say—to veer toward conciliation, apparently under the influence of the
Intifada and out of recognition that continued Israeli rule over the
West Bank and Gaza Strip would, inexorably, lead to the emergence of a
single state with an Arab majority between the Jordan and the
Mediterranean, an outcome that would necessarily spell an end to the
Zionist dream of a democratic Jewish state.
In the summer of 2005, he orchestrated the unilateral Israeli
withdrawal from the Gaza Strip, which meant not just the pullout of all
troops but also the politically challenging and psychologically
traumatic uprooting of a dozen or so Jewish settlements. (Four
settlements from the northern West Bank were evacuated besides.) Sharon
abruptly lost his Likud base of support—so in November that year, while
still prime minister, he set up a new centrist political party, Kadima.
Most observers, and his rightist opponents, believed that Sharon
intended, in the absence of a peace agreement with the Palestinians, to
affect a complete separation from the Palestinians by unilaterally
withdrawing from the bulk of the West Bank as well.
Sharon grew up with an instinctive, essential distrust of his Arab
neighbors in Kfar Malal; after all, in 1921, a few years before Sharon
was born, they burned the moshav to the ground. As an adult,
Sharon gradually extended this distrust to encompass “the Arabs” in
general. Indeed, in 1978, he voted in Cabinet against the evolving
Israel-Egypt peace agreement negotiated between Prime Minister Menachem
Begin—aided by ex-generals Moshe Dayan and Ezer Weizmann—and President
Anwar Sadat. (In the decisive vote, in the Knesset in 1979, Sharon voted
“aye.”) And in the early 2000s he had had little hope that the
Palestinian Arabs under Yasser Arafat, and then Mahmoud Abbas, would
ever acquiesce in Israel’s existence or sign a definitive peace treaty
with the Jewish state.
So, as part of his “separation” policy, he proceeded to build a
security fence between “old” Israel—that is, pre-1967 Israel—and the
West Bank. Such a pullback to the fence would have left the Palestinians
in possession of about 90 percent of the West Bank—though it also would
have left the problem of dozens of Israeli settlements “stranded”
inside Palestinian territory. It is unclear how Sharon intended to deal
with this or how he thought he would overcome the inevitable resistance
of the right wing. In any event, his stroke put paid to this
possibility.
When Sharon disappeared from the political arena, in January 2006,
both Palestinian and Jewish extremists rejoiced. But there was a real
sense of shock, sadness, and loss among most Israelis, who felt—probably
correctly—that the only political figure willing and able to
extricate—liberate—Israel from the West Bank and thus able to change the
course of the country’s history, was gone. His actual passing, after
eight years in a coma, is anti-climactic. What comes next, for Israelis
and Arabs—and for everyone else, including the Americans—is anyone’s
guess.
http://www.tabletmag.com/jewish-news-and-politics/158153/ariel-sharon-obituary?all=1
12 de janeiro de 2014
11 de janeiro de 2014
10 de janeiro de 2014
Leonard Cohen
"Famous Blue Raincoat"
"It's four in the morning, the end of December
I'm writing you now just to see if you're better
New york is cold, but I like where I'm living
There's music on Clinton Street all through the evening.
I hear that you're building your little house deep in the desert
You're living for nothing now, I hope you're keeping some kind of record.
Yes, and Jane came by with a lock of your hair
She said that you gave it to her
That night that you planned to go clear
Did you ever go clear?
Ah, the last time we saw you you looked so much older
Your famous blue raincoat was torn at the shoulder
You'd been to the station to meet every train
And you came home without Lili Marlene
And you treated my woman to a flake of your life
And when she came back she was nobody's wife.
Well I see you there with the rose in your teeth
One more thin gypsy thief
Well I see Jane's awake --
She sends her regards.
And what can I tell you my brother, my killer
What can I possibly say?
I guess that I miss you, I guess I forgive you
I'm glad you stood in my way.
If you ever come by here, for Jane or for me
Your enemy is sleeping, and his woman is free.
Yes, and thanks, for the trouble you took from her eyes
I thought it was there for good so I never tried.
And Jane came by with a lock of your hair
She said that you gave it to her
That night that you planned to go clear"
9 de janeiro de 2014
8 de janeiro de 2014
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